The Senate on Wednesday rejected a motion seeking to investigate the circumstances surrounding the inclusion of the so-called Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC) in the 2026 budget. The upper chamber voted against the motion sponsored by Kawu Sumaila (APC, Kano South), which sought to probe how ₦1.3 billion was appropriated for an entity the Presidency has since declared fictitious.

Lawmakers decided against a legislative probe, noting that the Presidency has already directed the anti-graft body, the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC), to investigate the matter. The Senate stated that it would await the ICPC findings before deciding on further action.

The decision came 24 hours after Senate spokesperson Yemi Adaramodu defended the National Assembly’s role in the budgetary allocation. Adaramodu insisted that the ₦1.3 billion was neither recommended nor inserted by lawmakers. He argued that the National Assembly is not constitutionally responsible for conducting security checks on individuals appointed to head government ministries, departments and agencies.

During Wednesday’s plenary session, Sumaila challenged the Senate’s position, arguing that the upper chamber could not distance itself from the controversy as it had ultimately appropriated the funds. “Inclusion of a purported non-existent or unauthorised entity in the national budget undermines the credibility of the appropriation process, exposes weaknesses in international budgetary scrutiny, erodes public confidence in the National Assembly and subjects the federal government to avoidable domestic and international criticism regarding transparency, accountability, and fiscal governance,” Sumaila stated.

He warned that public trust in the National Assembly’s oversight functions would continue to decline unless the allocation was thoroughly scrutinised. He urged the Senate to condemn the administrative lapses that allowed a fake agency to operate and called for a mandate for the Committees on Ethics, Privileges, Code of Conduct and Public Petitions, and Appropriations to investigate how the allocation was proposed and approved.

Deputy Senate President Barau Jibrin, who presided over the session, opposed the request. “I believe that what we need to do at this stage is to have the report of the ICPC, and then we can act on that report, deal with it as we feel appropriate,” Jibrin said.

The motion was subsequently defeated by a voice vote. This outcome contrasts with the House of Representatives, which recently adopted a motion to investigate the allocation of ₦1.3 billion to the same agency.

The Senate’s decision is a significant victory for the Presidency, which has sought to contain the political damage from the PFIPC scandal. President Bola Tinubu had directed the ICPC to investigate the matter and submit its report within 30 days. By deferring to the ICPC, the Senate has effectively shielded the executive from immediate parliamentary scrutiny.

The opposition has seized on the decision. Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar have both called for independent investigations, arguing that the Senate’s refusal to probe the allocation undermines its oversight role. The timing is also significant. The 2027 elections are approaching, and the PFIPC scandal has become a rallying point for opposition parties seeking to challenge the credibility of the Tinubu administration.

This echoes the 2012 pension fraud scandal, when the National Assembly faced similar criticism for failing to investigate allegations of corruption in the management of pension funds. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: the legislature deferred to the executive and accountability was delayed.

The winners: the Presidency, which has avoided immediate parliamentary scrutiny; the ICPC, which now holds the key to the investigation; and the Senate leadership, which has maintained party discipline. The losers: the Nigerian public, which must wait for the ICPC to complete its investigation; and the National Assembly’s credibility, which takes another hit every time it fails to exercise its oversight role.

Bottom Line: The Senate has refused to investigate a ₦1.3 billion allocation to a fake agency. The ICPC will investigate instead. Nigerians will wait. The question is whether they will ever get answers.

The House of Representatives descended into a heated and rowdy session on Wednesday as lawmakers clashed over an attempt to summon President Bola Tinubu to explain the poor implementation of the 2025 budget, the delayed release of appropriated funds and worsening funding gaps affecting ministries, departments and agencies.

The controversy began when Benedict Etanabene, who represents Okpe/Sapele/Uvwie Federal Constituency of Delta State, raised the issue under a matter of personal explanation. He called on the House to invite President Tinubu to account for the persistent failure to implement budgets despite trillions of naira approved by the National Assembly.

Speaker Abbas Tajudeen ruled that the matter could not be debated because it was raised under a personal explanation. Under the House Standing Orders, a personal explanation allows members to clarify or explain issues affecting them personally or matters requiring immediate clarification. Such statements are ordinarily not subject to debate or decision by the House.

The Speaker informed lawmakers that Mr Etanabene’s point had been noted but could not be entertained on procedural grounds. The ruling immediately sparked protests from some members and briefly disrupted proceedings. Shortly afterwards, the member representing Aba North and South Federal Constituency of Abia State, Alex Ikwechegh (APGA), revived the issue by bringing a motion under matters of urgent public importance, effectively reopening the debate through the appropriate parliamentary procedure.

Moving the motion, Mr Ikwechegh argued that Sections 80 and 81 of the 1999 Constitution vest the power of appropriation in the National Assembly, and that the integrity of the budget process depends not merely on passing appropriations but also on the timely release, cash backing and utilisation of approved funds. He said disclosures made by ministers and heads of MDAs during the ongoing 2026 budget defence sessions painted a disturbing picture of the 2025 budget's implementation. According to him, several MDAs informed lawmakers that they received little or no capital releases throughout the fiscal year, despite funds having been appropriated for critical projects.

The lawmaker said the revelations corroborated repeated protests staged by indigenous contractors throughout 2025 and into 2026 at the Federal Ministry of Finance and the National Assembly over unpaid certificates for completed and verified contracts. He recalled that some of the protests disrupted legislative activities, as contractors lamented their inability to repay bank loans taken out to execute government projects.

Mr Ikwechegh further recalled that President Tinubu had, during a Federal Executive Council meeting on 10 December 2025, directed the settlement of verified contractor liabilities estimated at ₦1.5 trillion. He said the Federal Executive Council had approved the payment, but the funds had not been released. The lawmaker argued that the executive had failed to implement the budget it had signed into law, leaving contractors stranded and projects abandoned.

The rowdy session reflects growing frustration within the National Assembly over the executive’s handling of the budget process. The Constitution requires the executive to implement the budget as passed by the legislature, but successive administrations have delayed releases and failed to fund approved projects. The 2025 budget appears to be following the same pattern.

This echoes the 2016 budget implementation crisis, when the National Assembly and the executive clashed over the release of funds for capital projects. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: projects abandoned, contractors unpaid and legislators frustrated.

The winners: the lawmakers who forced a debate on the issue. The losers: President Tinubu, who faces a constitutional challenge; the contractors who remain unpaid; and the Nigerian public, which continues to wait for projects that were approved but never funded.

Bottom Line: The House of Representatives wants to summon the President over budget implementation. The Speaker says the procedure is wrong. The underlying problem is not the procedure. It is that the government is not spending the money it has been given.

The global football market is experiencing one of its most dramatic price corrections in World Cup history. Resale prices for quarter-final tickets have crashed by more than 50 percent, driven by the shock elimination of two of the tournament’s biggest draws: the United States and Portugal.

The most significant drop has been for the Spain-Belgium quarter-final at SoFi Stadium in Inglewood, California. According to secondary market data from TickPick, the cheapest resale tickets have fallen from approximately $2,950 to about $1,200. SeatPick reported that average resale prices for all four quarter-finals have declined by more than 50 percent over the past three days.

The largest factor behind the price crash was the United States’ exit from the tournament. Belgium defeated the US 4-1 in the Round of 16, extinguishing hopes that the host nation would advance to the quarter-final in Los Angeles. Host nation matches typically generate massive local demand and drive up resale prices. With the US out, demand evaporated, and sellers were forced to slash prices.

The elimination of Portugal also significantly weakened the secondary market. Cristiano Ronaldo remains one of football’s most globally marketable stars, and many fans had hoped to see the Portuguese legend in what could be his final World Cup appearance. Spain’s 1-0 victory ended that prospect and diminished the appeal of the Los Angeles quarter-final for neutral fans.

Ticket supply has also surged. SeatPick data shows nearly 49,500 tickets currently available on the resale market, compared with about 28,300 at the start of the tournament on June 11. The increased inventory has intensified competition among sellers, forcing many to lower their prices to attract buyers.

Among the four quarter-finals, the France-Morocco match at Gillette Stadium in Foxborough, Massachusetts, currently has the lowest resale prices. Despite Morocco’s historic campaign to become the first African nation to win the FIFA World Cup, fans can still purchase tickets starting at $989, according to TickPick.

The price crash has created an unexpected opportunity for thousands of fans who could not previously afford tickets. The 2026 World Cup quarter-final schedule includes Spain vs Belgium, France vs Morocco, Norway vs England and Argentina vs Switzerland. The winners will advance to the semi-finals as the tournament intensifies.

For Nigerian football fans, the price drop is a mixed bag. On one hand, cheaper tickets mean more affordable access to the world’s biggest sporting event. On the other hand, the crash reflects the absence of African success stories beyond Morocco. Nigeria failed to qualify for the tournament, and no other African nation has advanced as far as Morocco.

From a Nigerian vantage point, the World Cup remains a distant spectacle. The country’s failure to qualify has diminished local interest, and the price crash in the secondary market is a reminder of what could have been.

The winners: fans who can now afford tickets to the World Cup quarter-finals. The losers: sellers who bought tickets at inflated prices and are now forced to sell at a loss, and the Nigerian Football Federation, which failed to secure qualification for Africa’s most populous nation.

Bottom Line: World Cup ticket prices have crashed by 50 percent. For fans, it is a bargain. For sellers, it is a disaster. For Nigeria, it is a reminder that the country is not on the biggest stage.

The pressure stems from the government’s ₦34.5 trillion fiscal deficit for 2026, with about ₦29.2 trillion expected to be financed through domestic borrowing. These expectations were reinforced after the Debt Management Office (DMO) issued ₦1.2 trillion in bonds at its June auction, the largest single auction on record. The DMO has since unveiled plans to raise between ₦3.8 trillion and ₦4.9 trillion in the third quarter, far higher than the approximately ₦2.5 trillion issued in the previous quarter.

The repricing has been felt across the yield curve. Medium-term bonds recorded the largest increase, with yields rising 158 basis points month-on-month, while short-term and long-term bonds rose 144 and 142 basis points, respectively. Marginal rates on the 2030 and 2032 maturities were also raised to 16.30 percent and 16.50 percent, up from 16.00 percent and 16.15 percent at the last auction.

The sell-off extended across the fixed-income market. Average yields on Nigerian Treasury Bills rose 103 basis points to 18.54 percent, while Eurobond yields rose 76 basis points to about 7.54 percent as global investors became more cautious amid renewed geopolitical tensions in the Middle East. Analysts said the sharp rise in domestic yields reflects investors pricing in the large volume of government paper expected to hit the market in the coming months.

Emmanuel Orji, a fixed-income trader, said the market is currently driven by two opposing forces: improvements in macroeconomic fundamentals and a sharp increase in government debt issuance. “Ironically, lower oil prices, while supportive of inflation, are also weakening government revenues,” Orji said. According to him, lower inflation and a relatively stable naira would ordinarily support lower bond yields, but the government’s expanded borrowing programme is likely to dominate market pricing in the near term. “When borrowing requirements become this large, investors regain pricing power,” he said. Orji expects bond yields to move towards, and potentially exceed, 19 percent during the third quarter as the market digests the increased issuance, before easing later in the year if inflation continues to moderate. He summed up the outlook by saying, “Supply pressure wins the auctions; fundamentals win the year.”

Not everyone believes the increase in government borrowing will immediately squeeze financing for the private sector. Titilayo Daramola, a fixed-income trader, said current yield levels are creating attractive opportunities for investors, while liquidity in the financial system remains strong enough to absorb the additional supply. “I believe it will create an attractive buying opportunity for investors and not crowd out the private sector just yet because there’s a lot of capital out there looking for where to be deployed,” Daramola said. According to her, robust subscription levels at recent government debt auctions indicate that investors still have ample liquidity to invest despite increased issuance. Daramola added that current yields remain below the highs seen earlier this year when Treasury bill discount rates traded above 20 percent, suggesting the market has previously absorbed even higher interest-rate environments.

Looking ahead, analysts expect supply pressures to remain elevated. In addition to the DMO’s planned bond issuance of up to ₦4.9 trillion in the third quarter, the Central Bank of Nigeria has scheduled ₦5.8 trillion in Treasury bill issuances for the period.

This mirrors the 2020 borrowing surge, when the government ramped up domestic borrowing to fund COVID-19 relief. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: higher yields, higher debt service costs, and a crowding out of private-sector investment.

The winners: investors who can now earn higher yields on government securities. The losers: the Federal Government, which will pay more to service its debt; the private sector, which faces higher borrowing costs; and Nigerian taxpayers, who ultimately bear the cost of the debt.

Bottom Line: The government is borrowing more, so investors are demanding higher returns. That is not a market failure. That is a market working exactly as it should. The question is whether the government can afford the bill.

The rally followed fresh military clashes between Washington and Tehran overnight, with the United States striking Iranian targets and Iran retaliating against American military interests in the Gulf. The renewed hostilities raised fears that diplomatic efforts to end the conflict and restore stability in the Strait of Hormuz, a strategic chokepoint through which about one-fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas supplies pass, had failed.

Despite the escalation, oil tankers continued to transit the strait on Wednesday, though shipping traffic remained well below normal levels as operators reassessed security risks in the region. According to tanker tracking data, six vessels were observed entering or leaving the strait hours after Iran attacked three commercial ships off the coast of Oman on Tuesday. One of the vessels that successfully completed the passage was a very large crude carrier chartered by ExxonMobil carrying about two million barrels of crude oil. However, several other vessels adopted a more cautious approach, either turning back or anchoring on either side of the strait, waiting for further instructions on maritime safety and the direction of the conflict.

The latest developments have presented ship owners with difficult choices. The northern shipping channel, located closer to Iranian territorial waters, is widely believed to require tacit approval from Iranian authorities, while the southern corridor along the Omani coastline is generally considered to be under the protection of United States naval forces. Ironically, it was along the southern route near Oman that Iran reportedly struck three commercial vessels on Tuesday. Two of the vessels targeted were carrying energy cargoes, including a Qatari liquefied natural gas carrier and a Saudi-owned ultra-large crude carrier.

Following the incidents, the Joint Maritime Information Centre raised the security threat level for the Strait of Hormuz to “severe”, warning that deliberate hostile actions were now considered likely under prevailing conditions. The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations also issued an advisory urging vessels operating in the region to exercise extreme caution. “Iranian attacks have raised the threat level to severe, with deliberate hostile action likely under current conditions,” UKMTO said.

According to Andreas Krieg, a security expert at King’s College London, Iran remains committed to its position that vessels using the strait should be subject to transit fees, a proposal strongly opposed by Washington. “We are now in a sensitive period where potential alternatives to an Iranian toll or fee system are being explored,” Krieg said. Market analysts said investors are closely monitoring developments in the strait, where any prolonged disruption to shipping could significantly tighten global crude supplies and push oil prices closer to the $80-per-barrel mark and beyond.

The Nigerian stake is direct. Nigeria is an oil-exporting country that benefits from higher prices, but it is also an importing country that suffers when fuel costs rise. Higher oil prices will boost government revenue but also increase the cost of petrol imports, which Nigeria still relies on despite the Dangote refinery’s operations. From a Nigerian vantage point, the Iran crisis is a double-edged sword. Higher oil prices mean more revenue for the government but also higher fuel prices for consumers, which will feed into inflation and erode the purchasing power of Nigerian households.

This mirrors the 2019 Strait of Hormuz crisis, when attacks on tankers pushed oil prices higher and heightened global tensions. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: oil markets spiked, and Nigeria found itself caught between higher revenue and higher costs.

The winners: oil-exporting countries, including Nigeria, which will earn more from crude sales. The losers: oil-importing countries and Nigerian consumers who will pay more for petrol and other petroleum products.

Bottom Line: Oil is heading towards $80. That is good for Nigeria’s revenue. It is bad for Nigeria’s inflation. The government will collect more. Nigerians will pay more. That is the paradox of oil dependence.

US aerospace giant Boeing is shifting its strategy in Nigeria from simply selling aircraft to providing technical support for local airlines and aviation service providers. The move comes as Nigerian domestic carriers actively upgrade their fleets to break out of regional boundaries and launch long-haul international routes.

The manufacturer is actively dispatching engineering and flight crews from the United States to Nigeria to conduct hands-on training workshops for local pilots and engineers. Beyond technical upskilling, Boeing’s strategic moves include providing network planning advisory services for airline expansion and infrastructure engineering advisory services for local aviation agencies to help modernise airport runways.

Notably, the commercial landscape is shifting away from costly wet-lease arrangements (ACMI) towards more profitable dry leases and direct purchases, which offer greater control over assets. United Nigeria Airlines recently acquired two Boeing 737-800NG aircraft to support its domestic operations and newly allocated international routes, highlighting this structural shift. Wet leases provide the aircraft along with full crew, maintenance and insurance. In contrast, dry leases provide only the aircraft, with the lessee responsible for crewing, maintenance, and insurance.

To further validate its narrow-body momentum, Air Peace recently acquired three Boeing 737-800 aircraft from South Korea’s Jeju Air. The transaction, valued at 144.72 billion won (approximately $97.5 million), will significantly boost the capacity of its existing mainline fleet.

Moore Ibekwe, Boeing’s Executive Director of Sales for Commercial Aeroplanes in Africa, said the company is intentionally embedding itself into the local ecosystem to raise technical capabilities. “Our people have been travelling to Nigeria from time to time to help airlines maintain their Boeing aircraft,” Ibekwe said. “We have a team that runs workshops, basically to help airlines put together business plans and improve their route network designs. We’ve also been running leadership training in Nigeria recently.” He added that the programme includes deploying Boeing’s experienced flight crews to work directly with local pilots to improve safety standards. “We do have an airports engineering capability group that will also be advising the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) and the Nigerian Airspace Management Agency (NAMA) when it comes to developing and improving our runways and airport infrastructure,” Ibekwe said.

According to Boeing’s market forecasts, Africa will require roughly 1,200 new aircraft deliveries over the next two decades. Managing this massive influx will require an estimated 77,000 highly trained aviation professionals across the continent, a metric that is driving Boeing’s decision to establish an early technical footprint in Nigeria.

Previously, domestic airlines gradually shifted away from ordering or deploying large mainline models such as the Boeing 727, 747, 777, and Airbus A220-300. Carriers are actively shifting to leaner regional platforms for their domestic and West African operations, with fleet deployments now dominated by ERJ-145 hopper jets, CRJ series aircraft, ATR 72 turboprops, and modern Embraer variants. However, there appears to be a resurgence of Boeing aircraft, especially Boeing 737s, as Boeing offers incentives to woo domestic airlines planning to operate international routes.

“Nigerian airlines are increasingly adopting the Boeing 737NG and Airbus A320 families to combat the skyrocketing Jet-A1 fuel costs and infrastructural bottlenecks,” said Samuel Caulcrick, former Rector of the Nigerian College of Aviation Technology. “Nigerians travel with a lot of luggage, and because the payload-to-fuel burn ratio of smaller regional jets cannot sustain the high costs per block hour, airlines require higher-capacity narrow-body aircraft to maintain profitability.” According to Caulcrick, the fixed operational costs of landing fees, navigation charges and crew remain largely the same, making the cost-per-seat economics of larger aircraft more attractive.

This mirrors the 2010s telecommunications boom, when global technology companies shifted from selling equipment to providing local technical support and training. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: deeper local engagement and a more sustainable business model.

The winners: Nigerian airlines, which gain access to technical expertise; Boeing, which builds long-term relationships with growing carriers; and Nigerian passengers, who benefit from improved safety and service standards. The losers: European and Asian competitors who may lose market share to Boeing, and smaller regional carriers who may struggle to compete with better-equipped local airlines.

Bottom Line: Boeing is no longer just selling planes in Nigeria. It is building an ecosystem. That is good for Nigerian aviation. It is also good for Boeing’s bottom line.

Trade unions, under the aegis of the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN), have opposed the government’s alleged plan to concession 120 federal Unity Colleges to private individuals or associations. With the backing of parents and teachers, the unions warned that the move would undermine national unity, threaten jobs and make quality education unaffordable for many Nigerians.

The union’s National Vice President, Olubunmi Fajobi, addressed a press conference in Lagos, where he said parents, students, workers and other stakeholders were united in opposing the proposal to sell these schools, which he described as symbols of national unity. Balogun warned that privatisation would throw thousands of workers into unemployment and lead to a sharp increase in tuition fees that would be unaffordable for low-income families.

He also rejected the suggestion that the schools should be handed over to alumni associations, urging such groups to establish their own institutions instead. He recalled that the government had made a similar attempt in 2005, but the move was resisted by unions and other stakeholders. According to him, communities that originally donated land for the schools are also preparing to protest, insisting that the land should be returned to them rather than transferred to private commercial enterprises.

Balogun called on the Nigerian people, religious leaders, and traditional rulers to oppose the move and urged the government to preserve the legacy of the Unity Schools, established under the Unity Charter to promote national cohesion. He added that the unions would continue to engage with the government but would take legal action if necessary.

The Unity Schools were established in the 1970s as a federal government initiative to promote national unity by bringing together students from different ethnic and religious backgrounds. For decades, they have been a symbol of Nigeria’s commitment to integration. The alleged plan to concession them would represent a significant policy shift, one that labour unions argue would undermine the very purpose of the schools.

This echoes the 2005 attempt to privatise the Unity Schools, which was abandoned after widespread opposition. The mechanism was different then, but the result was the same: the government backed down. The question is whether the current administration will persist where its predecessors retreated.

The winners: private investors who would gain access to valuable assets. The losers: students who would face higher fees; teachers who would lose their jobs; and the principle of national unity, which the schools were designed to promote.

Bottom Line: The government wants to concession the Unity Schools. Labour says no. This fight has happened before. The government lost then. The question is whether it will lose again.

Adeniyi Adeyemi was arrested on October 27, 2025. He spent 23 days in detention, developed an enlarged liver, and was granted bail on medical grounds. Eight months later, he has not been arraigned. His trial has been adjourned six times: defence requests, judicial workshops, illness, and more defence requests. The man accused of running a fake Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, forging presidential letters, and operating 34 bank accounts has not spoken a single word in court.

While Mr Adeyemi waits, Atiku Abubakar has accused the Presidency of attempting to shield Chief of Staff Femi Gbajabiamila. Atiku argues the move has backfired, exposing the administration to ridicule. He also pointed to the 2026 Appropriation Act, in which ₦1.4 billion intended for the National Commission for Almajiri and Out-of-School Children Education was allocated to road construction projects in Ogun State. “Since when did a children’s education commission become a road construction agency?” Atiku asked. The winners: Atiku, who has found fresh ammunition. The losers: the Presidency, which must now defend both Gbajabiamila and the budget.

Meanwhile, Stanley Ugagbe, a reporter with Secret Reporters, was arrested in Abuja last Wednesday on espionage allegations. IPI Nigeria intervened, and he was released on Monday evening. The investigation continues. This is the third such case in recent months. The winners: Ugagbe, who is free. The losers: press freedom in Nigeria, which remains under threat.

While Ugagbe was in detention, President Tinubu directed the FCCPC to investigate Meta, Google, X and other AI platforms over the unauthorised use of Nigerian journalistic content. The Nigerian Press Organisation hailed the probe, arguing that Big Tech has weakened the commercial viability of Nigerian media for years. The Google deal with South African publishers, where the company committed to paying local media, has set a precedent. The winners: Nigerian media. The losers: Meta, Google, and X.

The Sultan of Sokoto and the Vatican have also weighed in, warning that hate speech and fake news threaten peaceful coexistence in Nigeria. The Sultan, represented by the NSCIA deputy secretary general, said fake news is “another evil that is being used in the country to precipitate a lot of troubles.” Archbishop Gallagher added that cooperation between Muslims and Christians remains essential. The joint warning is unusual and significant.

Eight months, zero arraignments. ₦1.4 billion for roads instead of children. A journalist was arrested and released. Big Tech using Nigerian journalism for free. The Sultan and the Vatican are warning about hate speech. These are not separate stories. They are the same story: a country where justice is delayed, priorities are distorted, press freedom is fragile, and the powerful take what they want. The question is whether we will fix the systems or simply wait for the next scandal.

Think about that as you start your day.

Warmly,
Lolade

The arraignment of Adeniyi Adeyemi, the man accused of creating and operating the alleged fake Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC), has been repeatedly delayed since charges were filed against him in November 2025. Court records show the case has been adjourned several times due to requests from the defence, court scheduling conflicts, and the defendant's claims of ill health.

Adeyemi was arrested by the Inspector-General of Police Monitoring Unit on October 27, 2025, and spent 23 days in detention before being granted administrative bail on medical grounds after submitting a health report. A police source disclosed that the suspect developed health complications while in detention. “He got ill in police custody and was having an enlarged liver,” the source said.

He was formally charged at the Federal High Court in Abuja on November 27. The case first came up for arraignment before Justice Mohammed Umar on February 3, 2026. The prosecution announced it was ready to proceed, but Adeyemi’s lawyer requested more time, arguing that the defence had only recently been served with the charge. The prosecution objected, insisting the charges had been served about two weeks earlier. Justice Umar granted the request and adjourned until February 11.

When the matter came up on the new date, proceedings could not be held because the trial judge was away attending a judicial workshop, forcing another postponement. The case was then fixed for April 14, but Adeyemi failed to appear. His lawyer informed the court that the defendant was ill and tendered a letter explaining his absence. The matter was adjourned until June 16. When the case resumed, the prosecution again announced its readiness, but the defence sought yet another adjournment, this time informing the court that counsel was ill. The court adjourned the case until July 14.

Police investigations began on October 17, 2025, following a petition from the President’s Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, alleging forgery and impersonation. Investigators searched Adeyemi’s office and residence, recovered official documents, and traced 34 bank accounts allegedly linked to him, including accounts opened in the names of purported government agencies.

The case has now been adjourned for the sixth time. The Presidency has maintained that the PFIPC never existed. Meanwhile, President Bola Tinubu has directed the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) to investigate the PFIPC scandal and submit its report within 30 days.

Human rights lawyer Femi Falana has described the repeated delays as unacceptable. “A case of this magnitude must not be allowed to languish in the courts indefinitely,” Falana said. The opposition has also seized on the scandal, with Atiku Abubakar accusing the Presidency of attempting to shield Gbajabiamila from scrutiny.

The winners: the defence, which has successfully delayed proceedings. The losers: the Nigerian public, which has waited eight months for justice, and the judiciary, which appears unable to expedite a case of national importance.

Bottom Line: Eight months, six adjournments, zero arraignments. Justice delayed is justice denied.

Nigeria has been admitted as the newest associate member of the International Energy Agency (IEA), marking a major milestone for the country’s energy sector. The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Gas), Ekperipe Ekpo, announced the development at the NOG Energy Week 2026 conference in Abuja, confirming that Nigeria became an associate member on July 2.

The IEA’s governing board unanimously approved Nigeria’s application, which was submitted in May 2026. The accession process took less than two months. IEA Executive Director Fatih Birol described it as “the fastest accession process we have ever had for any applicant country”. Nigeria is the agency’s 14th associate member and the first OPEC country to join in that capacity.

Speaking at the conference, Ekpo said the development positions Nigeria to play a stronger role in global energy discussions while advancing a balanced energy transition. He also revealed that Nigeria has assumed the presidency of the 2026 Gas Exporting Countries Forum ministerial meeting, while Philip Mshelbila was elected the forum’s secretary-general.

The IEA said Nigeria’s membership expands a network that now represents more than 80% of global energy demand. “Nigeria becoming part of the world’s energy authority marks a milestone for global energy governance,” Birol said in a statement. “As Nigeria works to strengthen energy security, support economic growth and expand energy access, deeper cooperation with the IEA will bring important benefits for both sides”.

The practical benefits are significant. Nigeria will have access to the IEA’s real-time energy data on oil markets, gas markets, new technologies and investment flows. The agency will also provide technical assistance on energy policy, security and energy access.

From a Nigerian vantage point, the membership is a diplomatic coup. Nigeria has achieved what no other OPEC country has managed: a seat at the table of the world’s most influential energy policy organisation. The country now has access to information and networks that could help it navigate the energy transition while maximising the value of its hydrocarbon resources.

The winners: Nigeria, which gains global influence and access to critical energy data. The losers: competing African countries that have not yet secured IEA membership, and perhaps the environment, if Nigeria uses its new influence to slow the energy transition.

Bottom Line: Nigeria just joined the world’s most exclusive energy club. The question is whether it will use the membership to shape the global energy agenda or simply to protect its oil interests.

Dangote Industries Limited has begun preliminary work on a proposed 700,000-barrel-per-day refinery in Kenya, marking its first major refining investment outside Nigeria. The project, estimated to cost up to $17 billion, is planned for Lamu Island along Kenya’s coast and is expected to become East Africa’s largest refinery.

According to company officials, the project has moved beyond the planning stage. “The site has been selected, soil tests are underway, and design and engineering work has commenced. Kenya was the choice from the beginning,” said Edwin Devakumar, Dangote Industries’ Vice President for Oil and Gas. Construction is expected to take about three years.

The company plans to finance the project through a combination of internally generated cash, bond issuance and proceeds from a planned Initial Public Offering (IPO). Devakumar said the investment would be comparable to the cost of the group’s refinery in Lagos, which ultimately exceeded $20 billion.

The refinery forms part of Dangote Group’s broader strategy to expand its footprint across Africa. The company also plans to double the capacity of its Lagos refinery from 650,000 bpd to 1.4 million bpd by 2028. This would make it the largest refinery in the world. Combined with the Kenyan refinery, Dangote’s total refining capacity would reach 2.1 million barrels per day.

The Kenyan investment has significant implications for regional energy security. East Africa currently relies heavily on imported refined petroleum products. The Lamu refinery is expected to supply Kenya and neighbouring countries, reducing dependence on imported fuel and supporting industrialisation in the region.

Speaking at the announcement, industry observers noted that the project would deepen regional integration in Africa’s energy market while reinforcing Dangote Group’s position as one of the continent’s leading industrial conglomerates.

This mirrors the 1970s, when the Nigerian government built the Kaduna and Port Harcourt refineries to reduce dependence on imported fuel. The mechanism was different then, but the ambition was the same: to process crude oil locally and capture value. The difference is that Dangote’s refineries are actually working.

The winners: Kenya, which gains a major industrial investment; East African countries, which will benefit from cheaper fuel; and Dangote Industries, which expands its empire. The losers: European and Middle Eastern refiners, who will lose market share; and perhaps the Nigerian environment, if the refinery’s operations are not properly regulated.

Bottom Line: Dangote is taking his refinery model to Kenya. That is good for East Africa. It is also a reminder that Nigeria’s private sector is now exporting industrial capacity.

Ghana recorded a record GH¢5.2 billion in financial irregularities across its ministries, departments and agencies in 2025, according to the Auditor-General’s latest report. The figure represents a 156% increase compared with the previous year and is the highest level recorded in at least five years.

Tax-related irregularities reached about GH¢4.8 billion, representing 92% of all irregularities identified during the audit. More than GH¢3 billion of that amount comprised outstanding tax obligations owed by just ten state institutions in 2024. In other words, more than half of all irregularities reported in 2025 originated from taxes that were due the previous year but had not been remitted.

The Electricity Company of Ghana (ECG) recorded the largest outstanding liability. The power distributor failed to remit approximately GH¢1.4 billion in taxes, representing nearly half of the total unpaid tax obligations identified among the ten institutions. The Ghana Airports Company Limited recorded the second largest obligation at about GH¢430 million, followed by the Produce Buying Company Limited with approximately GH¢330 million. Other institutions cited include GIHOC Distilleries, Tema Oil Refinery, AirtelTigo Ghana and Graphic Communications Limited.

While unpaid taxes dominated the report, the Auditor-General also identified irregularities across other categories. Cash irregularities amounted to approximately GH¢410 million, while loan irregularities stood at GH¢29 million. Payroll irregularities totalled about GH¢19 million, procurement irregularities totalled about GH¢1.1 million, and contract irregularities totalled about GH¢3.3 million. Collectively, these categories accounted for only a small fraction of the overall irregularities relative to the scale of the outstanding tax obligations.

The findings raise serious questions about tax compliance within Ghana’s public sector itself, particularly as the government continues to pursue broader revenue mobilisation reforms across the economy.

The Nigerian stake is clear. Ghana’s struggle with tax compliance mirrors Nigeria’s own challenges. Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains among the lowest in the world, and the government has been attempting to expand the tax base with limited success. Ghana’s experience shows that even state-owned enterprises can become tax deadbeats, undermining the government’s fiscal position.

From a Nigerian vantage point, the Ghanaian report is a warning. If Ghana, which has a more advanced tax administration system than Nigeria, cannot collect taxes from its own state institutions, Nigeria’s challenges are even more daunting.

This echoes the 2012 pension fraud scandal in Nigeria, when billions of naira in pension contributions were siphoned from government agencies. The mechanism was different then, but the result was the same: state institutions failed to remit funds intended for public welfare.

The winners: none. The losers: Ghanaian taxpayers, who must make up the shortfall, and Ghana’s fiscal position, which is weakened by the unpaid taxes.

Bottom Line: Ghana’s state-owned enterprises owe GH¢3 billion in unpaid taxes. The government that collects taxes from citizens cannot collect from its own agencies. That is not a revenue problem. That is a governance problem.

The Sultan of Sokoto and President-General of the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar, and the Vatican’s Secretary for Relations with States and International Organisations, Paul Richard Gallagher, have expressed concern over the growing spread of hate speech and fake news, warning that both threaten peaceful coexistence in Nigeria.

The concerns were raised after a meeting between the Sultan and Archbishop Gallagher at the National Mosque in Abuja, where they discussed interfaith relations, security and cooperation between Muslim and Christian communities. The Sultan, who was represented by NSCIA deputy secretary general, Salisu Shehu, said both sides agreed that religious leaders must work together to promote peace and counter narratives that can fuel division.

Shehu added that participants also condemned the growing trend of insulting religious leaders and other citizens. He explained that fake news had also become a source of instability. “Fake news is another evil that is being used in the country to precipitate a lot of troubles in the country, and therefore, this is something that we need to fight,” he said.

Shehu said the discussions also centred on growing moral decline and increasing rejection of religion among young people. Archbishop Gallagher said the meeting revealed broad agreement between Muslim and Catholic leaders on issues affecting Nigeria. He added that cooperation between both faiths remained essential to national development. “There is a common conviction that Christians and Muslims, particularly the leadership, must work together for the common good of all Nigerians,” he said.

The joint warning from Nigeria’s most senior Islamic leader and a senior Vatican official is unusual and significant. It reflects a growing recognition that the country’s information ecosystem has become a threat to its social fabric. The 2023 elections were marked by a flood of disinformation, much of it targeting religious and ethnic divisions. The 2027 elections are likely to be worse.

This echoes the 2011 post-election violence in northern Nigeria, when fake news and hate speech fuelled deadly clashes between communities. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: Nigerians died because of words.

The winners: the Sultan and the Vatican, who have raised the alarm. The losers: the Nigerian public, which continues to be exposed to hate speech and disinformation, and the country’s social fabric, which is being torn apart one post at a time.

Bottom Line: The Sultan and the Vatican agree: hate speech and fake news are destroying Nigeria. The question is whether anyone is listening.

The Senate on Tuesday approved a prayer seeking to end state pardons and the rehabilitation of criminals, particularly suspected Boko Haram members and other insurgents. The prayer came in support of a motion moved by Senator Abdulazeez Yar’Adua regarding the abduction and killing of the former Director of Defence Information, Retired Major General Rabe Abubakar, and other military officers.

The plenary, presided over by Deputy Senate President Jibrin Barau, condemned the rehabilitation of Boko Haram insurgents, bandits, kidnappers and other criminals under the deradicalisation and rehabilitation programmes of some state governments. Some lawmakers linked the unending insurgency crisis in the country, particularly in northern Nigeria, to the constant release of “repentant” criminals back into society.

The Senate expressed deep concern over the worsening security situation, warning that the recent abduction and killing of retired military officers signal a dangerous shift in Nigeria’s security challenges. Adopting a resolution on the matter, the Senate described the late general’s death as more than a personal tragedy. According to the lawmakers: “The death of retired Major General Abubakar and others in the custody of terrorists represents not only personal tragedies but also a painful national loss and a stark reminder of the scale and persistence of insecurity confronting the nation”.

The Senate highlighted a disturbing pattern of attacks on serving and retired military personnel, citing several incidents recorded between January 2023 and May 2026. These include the killing of retired Major General Richard Duru in Owerri after a $50,000 ransom was reportedly paid, the murder of retired Brigadier General O.M. Harlord Udokwere in Abuja, the 56-day captivity of former NYSC Director-General, retired Brigadier General Maharazu Tsiga, and the death in captivity of retired Major Aja in Kogi State.

“The increasing frequency with which serving and retired military personnel are being targeted by criminal and terrorist groups represents a dangerous evolution in the nation’s security challenges,” the Senate said. It noted that many of the victims once occupied sensitive intelligence, operational and command positions, making these targeted attacks a grave matter of national concern.

The upper legislative chamber stressed that insecurity now extends beyond individual victims, carrying severe implications for national unity, democratic stability and public confidence in the government. “The constitutional responsibility of government to protect lives and property remains fundamental to national unity, democratic stability, economic growth and public trust in governance,” the Senate said.

This echoes the debate that followed the 2014 Chibok kidnapping, when the government’s handling of Boko Haram negotiations became a major political issue. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: a growing consensus that negotiating with terrorists only encourages more attacks.

The winners: the Senate, which has taken a firm stance. The losers: the deradicalisation programmes, which face an uncertain future, and the families of military officers who continue to be targeted.

Bottom Line: The Senate has had enough of rehabilitating terrorists. The question is whether the government will listen.

The Nigerian Press Organisation (NPO) has commended President Bola Tinubu for directing the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) to investigate major global technology companies and Generative Artificial Intelligence platforms. The umbrella body, which represents key media stakeholders, described the directive as a significant step towards protecting the sustainability of Nigeria’s media industry.

The investigation follows a joint petition submitted by the NPO’s member organisations, including the Newspaper Proprietors’ Association of Nigeria (NPAN), the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE), the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), the Broadcasting Organisation of Nigeria (BON) and the Guild of Corporate Online Publishers (GOCOP). The petition alleged anti-competitive conduct, the unauthorised use of copyrighted journalistic content and unfair commercial practices against Nigerian media organisations. Companies named in the probe include Meta, Alphabet (Google’s parent company), X and several Generative AI platforms.

“We are pleased that the government has commenced this investigation,” the NPO said in a statement. “Beyond the clear and present danger posed by Big Tech’s anti-competitive behaviour, their lack of transparency and accountability also carries very serious consequences for journalism as a public-interest good”.

The NPO argued that for years, major technology companies have weakened the commercial viability of Nigerian media organisations by using original journalistic content without fair compensation. The concerns were formally presented to President Tinubu during a meeting in March, where the delegation drew his attention to what it described as the growing threat posed by dominant digital platforms to the survival of Nigeria’s media industry.

The FCCPC said the inquiry would determine whether the companies breached the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Act (FCCPA) 2018 or any other applicable law.

This is not the first time Nigeria has confronted global tech platforms. In 2024, the FCCPC fined Meta $220 million for alleged violations of Nigeria’s data protection and consumer rights laws. Meta is appealing the fine. The current probe represents an escalation of that confrontation, extending from data privacy to content monetisation. The Google deal with South African publishers, where the company committed to paying local publishers for content used in Google News and Discover, has set a precedent that Nigerian publishers are now seeking to replicate.

The winners: Nigerian media organisations, which may finally receive compensation for their content. The losers: Meta, Google and other tech platforms, which face new costs and regulatory restrictions in Nigeria.

Bottom Line: Nigeria’s media industry has won the first battle. The war with Big Tech is just beginning.

Nigeria’s independent oil producers are urging the government to reform a tax and levy system that has become excessively bloated, warning that it threatens to undermine the hard-won gains made in attracting investment back to Africa’s largest crude exporter over the past three years.

Speaking at the opening of the 25th NOG Energy Week, Chairman of the Independent Petroleum Producers Group (IPPG), Abdulrazaq Falade, said the industry currently faces 270 different charges, taxes and levies imposed by multiple government agencies. He described this as the heaviest burden of any sector in the country and one of the highest in the world.

“The cumulative burden risks outweighing the fiscal incentives introduced under the Petroleum Industry Act,” Falade told an audience that included international oil company executives. He said smaller producers and operators running mature, lower-margin fields face a “direct threat” to project viability and, in some cases, may be forced to abandon assets entirely.

From January to May, Nigeria’s oil production climbed to about 1.6 million barrels per day, up from less than 1 million barrels a few years ago. May’s output exceeded the country’s OPEC quota for the first time in nearly a year. Since 2023, the government has secured more than $8 billion in upstream final investment decisions, including Shell’s $5 billion Bonga North project, a $2 billion gas development at the HI field and TotalEnergies’ Ubeta project. Regulators approved 28 field development plans worth a combined $18.2 billion last year alone, expected to unlock 1.4 billion barrels of oil and 5.4 trillion cubic feet of gas. Nigeria’s share of upstream investment decisions in Africa has risen from about four percent a decade ago to nearly 40 percent over the past two years.

However, Falade argued that production and investment figures only tell part of the story. The true measure of the industry’s value, he said, lies in whether growth translates into jobs, local refining capacity, gas processing for power generation and fertiliser production, and the training of Nigerian engineers. “A country that produces crude but cannot refine at scale is exposed,” he said, adding that Nigeria’s hydrocarbon development “must go beyond merely extracting crude oil and gas”.

Falade called on the government to shift from a posture of fee collection to one of investment facilitation, urging a harmonisation of charges across agencies to eliminate duplication and improve transparency. He also flagged a deepening talent shortage as veteran professionals retire or exit following divestments by international majors, describing workforce development as a matter of “business survival” rather than corporate responsibility.

He further urged lawmakers to revisit the Petroleum Industry Act, saying that a comprehensive review five years after its passage would help resolve implementation ambiguities and formalise presidential directives and executive orders issued since then. On gas, he said Nigeria’s reserves, the world's tenth-largest, remain underexploited relative to their strategic value, citing missed opportunities during the supply disruptions triggered by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the more recent US-Iran conflict.

This mirrors the 2014 oil price crash era, when Nigeria’s high-cost operating environment forced many producers to shut in wells. The mechanism was different then, but the result was the same: investment fled, production fell, and the country lost billions in potential revenue.

The winners: the government agencies that collect the levies. The losers: Nigeria’s oil and gas industry, which faces a competitiveness crisis, and the Nigerian economy, which loses investment to more competitive jurisdictions.

Bottom Line: 270 levies. One industry. The math does not work. Nigeria is taxing itself out of the oil business.

The company said the JK-004 exploration well, drilled in shallow waters on Oil Mining Lease 74, encountered about 1,000 feet of hydrocarbon-bearing rock across seven separate reservoirs. Early wireline logs and fluid sample readings indicate good reservoir quality and a lighter, more valuable crude grade.

For Chief Executive Officer Tony Attah, the well represents a vindication of the company’s strategy. Renaissance took over operatorship of the assets, which include two export terminals in the Niger Delta, a floating production vessel and 18 licences, just over a year ago. The fields were previously operated by international oil majors.

“The successful exploration of the JK-004 well, just over a year after taking over operatorship of these assets, is a testament to the strength of our exploration programme,” Attah said. He credited the achievement to regulators, staff and joint venture partners. Renaissance operates the block in partnership with the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC), TotalEnergies and Agip Energy and Natural Resources.

Attah specifically praised Group CEO Bayo Ojulari, NNPC leadership and Upstream Chief Udom Inyang for their “strategic guidance”. Renaissance’s Vice President of Exploration and Chief Exploration Officer, Johnbosco Uche, said the well reflects the company’s commitment to “excellent subsurface expertise, rigorous technical discipline and a disciplined approach to reserve replacement”. Uche noted that the proximity of the well to existing infrastructure should shorten the path to production.

NUPRC Chief Executive Oritsemeyiwa Eyesan said the discovery aligns with the regulator’s drive to increase Nigeria’s oil reserves “to guarantee sustainable national development” and pledged continued regulatory support. Renaissance Board Chairman and veteran Nigerian exploration expert, Layi Fatona, said the find demonstrates the continued potential of Nigeria’s sedimentary basins and the value of rigorous, technically sound exploration work. He added that it shows “the critical role that indigenous operators play in unlocking value, driving investment and contributing tangibly to national energy security and economic growth”.

Wood Mackenzie recently ranked Renaissance as the largest oil and gas company in Africa. The company operates Nigeria’s largest upstream joint venture, with a vast portfolio of shallow-water oil and gas assets that have been the mainstay of the country’s oil production for decades.

This echoes the 2010s indigenous operator boom, when Nigerian companies like Seplat and Aiteo took over assets from international majors. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: Nigerian companies proved they could compete with the global giants.

The winners: Renaissance Africa Energy, which has validated its exploration strategy; NNPC and its joint venture partners; and Nigeria’s oil industry, which gains new reserves. The losers: international oil majors that sold the assets, and the Nigerian environment, which faces new drilling activity.

Bottom Line: A Nigerian company just found oil where the international majors could not. That is not luck. That is competence.

The Federal Government has called on journalists and social media influencers to deny bandits and terrorists the publicity they seek, saying responsible media practice is critical to promoting national unity and combating violent extremism.

Minister of Information and National Reorientation, Mohammed Idris, made the call on Monday at the maiden edition of the Arewa Media Summit organised by the Office of the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Public Enlightenment in Kano. Idris said the media had an indispensable role in countering violent extremism by promoting unity, resilience and hope rather than amplifying the messages of criminal groups.

The minister said democracy flourishes when the government remains transparent, citizens participate responsibly, and the media performs its constitutional responsibility with professionalism, fairness and integrity. He noted that while the digital revolution had transformed communication by turning every smartphone into a broadcasting platform, it had also accelerated the spread of fake news and disinformation that could undermine national unity and public confidence.

Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and Public Enlightenment, Abdulaziz Abdulaziz, said the summit was conceived to strengthen dialogue among government, citizens, and the media through accountability, responsibility, and ethical communication. He said the government has a responsibility to provide timely and transparent information, while citizens should engage constructively and the media should serve as the bridge between leaders and the public through factual and balanced reporting.

He urged social media influencers to use their platforms responsibly by verifying information before publication and avoiding content that could create division, particularly ahead of the 2027 general elections. Abdulaziz also disclosed that more than 100 APC social media communicators had been trained ahead of the summit on effective communication of government policies and achievements. He further unveiled the ‘Gani Ya Kori’ initiative, a regional project inspection programme designed to showcase key projects executed by President Tinubu and northern state governors.

This mirrors the 2015 counterterrorism strategy debate, when the military and the media clashed over the reporting of Boko Haram attacks. The mechanism then was different, but the result was the same: a tension between the government’s desire to control the narrative and the media’s role as a watchdog.

The winners: the government, which has articulated its position. The losers: the media, which faces pressure to self-censor, and the Nigerian public, which may receive less information about security threats.

Bottom Line: The government wants the media to deny terrorists publicity. The media wants to report the news. The tension is not new. It is not going away.

Stanley Ugagbe, a reporter with Secret Reporters, an online news platform, has been released from police custody. Ugagbe was reportedly arrested at his residence in Abuja last Wednesday by security operatives.

The Nigeria Committee of the International Press Institute (IPI Nigeria) said in a statement that Ugagbe was released after its intervention. “Mr Ugagbe was released to the President of IPI Nigeria, Musikilu Mojeed, at approximately 7:30 pm on Monday, 6 July 2026,” said the statement, signed by Tobi Soniyi, IPI Nigeria Legal Adviser.

Although he has been granted bail, police investigations into allegations of espionage, cyberstalking and computer-related offences are said to be continuing. “Immediately IPI Nigeria received reports of his arrest, the Institute commenced efforts to establish his whereabouts and determine the security agency responsible for his detention,” the statement said. “Following enquiries and engagements with relevant authorities, it was confirmed that he was being held at the Nigeria Police Force National Cybercrime Centre, Abuja.”

IPI Nigeria commended the police authorities in facilitating Ugagbe’s release, saying it will continue to monitor the case closely.

The pattern is familiar. A journalist is arrested. The charges are vague. The press freedom organisation intervenes. The journalist is released. The investigation continues. This is the third such case in recent months, following the arrest of a journalist in Akwa Ibom and another in Abuja. The message from the authorities is clear: journalism is not a crime, but journalists who cross certain lines will be held accountable. The problem is that the lines are not clearly drawn.

The winners: IPI Nigeria, which secured the release, and Ugagbe, who is free. The losers: press freedom in Nigeria, which takes another hit every time a journalist is arrested, and the Nigerian public, which loses access to information.

Bottom Line: A journalist was arrested, held for days, and released after press freedom groups intervened. That is not a functioning system. That is a warning shot.

Atiku Abubakar, presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), has said the tactics “employed by the Presidency to rescue” the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila, from the mounting allegations surrounding the Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council (PFIPC) scandal have exposed the Tinubu administration to even greater public ridicule and suspicion.

In a statement through his Senior Special Assistant on Public Communication, Phrank Shaibu, Atiku said that while the dust raised by the scandal involving the self-acclaimed Director-General of the “supposed non-existent” Council, Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi, has yet to settle, “fresh revelations from the 2026 Appropriation Act have exposed a disturbing pattern of budgetary manipulations and the deliberate concealment of questionable projects in obscure agencies for the apparent purpose of diverting public funds”.

The former Vice President noted that on page 2236 of the Appropriation Act, 2026, under the budget of the National Commission for Almajiri and Out-of-School Children Education, the Tinubu administration inserted billions of naira for road construction projects that have nothing to do with the Commission’s statutory mandate. According to the budget, about ₦1.4 billion was earmarked for the rehabilitation and construction of Obasanjo-Itele Road, Nazareth Road, Oke Ola, Imeko, Idogo Township Road, and Odedeyo-Mewuro Road. Another ₦1.4 billion was budgeted for roads from Eyini High School to Lusada Junction Road, Ibooro, Idiya Central Community Road, Roundabout Abeokuta, Ile Ise Community Asuje Road, and Soyote Community Road in Abeokuta. Yet another ₦1.05 billion was set aside for Pakuj-Yporan Township Road in Ipokia Ward 2, while an additional ₦1.05 billion was allocated for RCC Opposite Honda Agbebi Community Road and Ajuwon Baale Road.

“The question that naturally arises is this: Since when did the National Commission for Almajiri and Out-of-School Children Education become a road construction agency?” Atiku said. “At a time when over 20 million Nigerian children remain outside the classroom, when schools are collapsing under the weight of neglect and when the Almajiri crisis continues to threaten the future of an entire generation, the decision to convert an education commission into a contractor for road projects represents not merely a distortion of priorities but a cruel betrayal of the very children the Commission was created to serve.”

He recalled that in the 2023 budget, funds meant for the Federal College of Education, Umunze, Anambra State, were allegedly deployed to execute constituency projects in Surulere I Federal Constituency of Lagos State on behalf of Gbajabiamila, who was then Speaker of the House of Representatives, while the institution itself was denied much-needed capital funding.

The winners: Atiku Abubakar and the opposition, who have gained a political weapon. The losers: the Tinubu administration, which faces fresh questions about its fiscal integrity, and the millions of out-of-school children who will not benefit from the funds meant for their education.

Bottom Line: A commission for out-of-school children is building roads. That is not a budget. That is a crime scene.